Wednesday, 30 January 2013




Tuesday, 29 January 2013

Anti Racist hero Jimmy Pursey convicted Paedophile

Official sham 69 statementa disclaimer,

We the official sham 69, wish to make the following disclaimer statement:this is due to the persistent emails from both fans, members of the uk/international press, and statements made via social network sites regarding an incident that took place involving james timothy pursey (aka jimmy pursey) being arrested for indecently assaulting an under age girl.

This incident did take place, the girl was underage, therefore legally a minor, and suffered trauma as a result with life long consequences no doubt.

This band fully and utterly condemns such behaviour and wishes to make it known that jimmy pursey is not part of the official sham 69 lineup in any way. We also wish to make it known that he is not part of the staff or any subsidiary of this band.

Along with many fans, be they punks, skins or whatever, we too have kids of our own and some have grand kids too. As such we do not treat this as a light hearted mistake and neither did the girl***8217;s parents, additionally neither would you if it was your child or family member.

This girl was a minor, and though some people may brush this off with a blind view in support of this man, we wont.

Seeing as we do have some lyrical connections however, we, the official sham 69, have decided that in respect of our moral belief and support we will make a donation from every show we perform, be it uk or worldwide, to the nspcc***8217;s campaign against child abuse, and will do so until we retire as a band.

So stay true and strong and we***8217;ll see you down the front. 

Friday, 25 January 2013

Austrian police say arrest neo-Nazi gang members

Austrian police say arrest neo-Nazi gang members

VIENNA (Reuters) - Austrian police have arrested 10 suspected members of a neo-Nazi crime gang accused of arson attacks, weapons and drugs dealing, illegal prostitution, assault and other crimes.

Police said on Thursday the gang maintained a reign of terror for years over red light districts in Upper Austria, costing businesses at least 3.5 million euros ($4.6 million). Some leaders of the gang, which called itself "Objekt 21", were known to police as neo-Nazis, a police spokeswoman told Reuters.

Nazi symbols were found at the group's headquarters in the Voecklabruck district, the Austria Press Agency reported.

Austria, which was annexed by Nazi Germany in 1938, has banned neo-Nazi organizations in its constitution.

Police said the gang's suspected crimes included the kidnapping and abuse of a brothel manager and an arson attack on a sauna club in Vienna that caused 2.5 million euros' worth of damage.

They said they had questioned more than 80 people in connection with their investigations, which were continuing.

($1 = 0.7530 euros)

(Reporting by Georgina Prodhan; Editing by Jon Hemming)

Monday, 21 January 2013

Skrewdriver - Tomorrow belongs to me

SKREWDRIVER - back with a bang



The supreme function of statesmanship is to provide against preventable evils. In seeking to do so, it encounters obstacles which are deeply rooted in human nature.

One is that by the very order of things such evils are not demonstrable until they have occurred: at each stage in their onset there is room for doubt and for dispute whether they be real or imaginary. By the same token, they attract little attention in comparison with current troubles, which are both indisputable and pressing: whence the besetting temptation of all politics to concern itself with the immediate present at the expense of the future.

Above all, people are disposed to mistake predicting troubles for causing troubles and even for desiring troubles: "If only," they love to think, "if only people wouldn't talk about it, it probably wouldn't happen."

Perhaps this habit goes back to the primitive belief that the word and the thing, the name and the object, are identical.

At all events, the discussion of future grave but, with effort now, avoidable evils is the most unpopular and at the same time the most necessary occupation for the politician. Those who knowingly shirk it deserve, and not infrequently receive, the curses of those who come after.

A week or two ago I fell into conversation with a constituent, a middle-aged, quite ordinary working man employed in one of our nationalised industries.

After a sentence or two about the weather, he suddenly said: "If I had the money to go, I wouldn't stay in this country." I made some deprecatory reply to the effect that even this government wouldn't last for ever; but he took no notice, and continued: "I have three children, all of them been through grammar school and two of them married now, with family. I shan't be satisfied till I have seen them all settled overseas. In this country in 15 or 20 years' time the black man will have the whip hand over the white man."

I can already hear the chorus of execration. How dare I say such a horrible thing? How dare I stir up trouble and inflame feelings by repeating such a conversation?

The answer is that I do not have the right not to do so. Here is a decent, ordinary fellow Englishman, who in broad daylight in my own town says to me, his Member of Parliament, that his country will not be worth living in for his children.

I simply do not have the right to shrug my shoulders and think about something else. What he is saying, thousands and hundreds of thousands are saying and thinking - not throughout Great Britain, perhaps, but in the areas that are already undergoing the total transformation to which there is no parallel in a thousand years of English history.

In 15 or 20 years, on present trends, there will be in this country three and a half million Commonwealth immigrants and their descendants. That is not my figure. That is the official figure given to parliament by the spokesman of the Registrar General's Office.

There is no comparable official figure for the year 2000, but it must be in the region of five to seven million, approximately one-tenth of the whole population, and approaching that of Greater London. Of course, it will not be evenly distributed from Margate to Aberystwyth and from Penzance to Aberdeen. Whole areas, towns and parts of towns across England will be occupied by sections of the immigrant and immigrant-descended population.

As time goes on, the proportion of this total who are immigrant descendants, those born in England, who arrived here by exactly the same route as the rest of us, will rapidly increase. Already by 1985 the native-born would constitute the majority. It is this fact which creates the extreme urgency of action now, of just that kind of action which is hardest for politicians to take, action where the difficulties lie in the present but the evils to be prevented or minimised lie several parliaments ahead.

The natural and rational first question with a nation confronted by such a prospect is to ask: "How can its dimensions be reduced?" Granted it be not wholly preventable, can it be limited, bearing in mind that numbers are of the essence: the significance and consequences of an alien element introduced into a country or population are profoundly different according to whether that element is 1 per cent or 10 per cent.

The answers to the simple and rational question are equally simple and rational: by stopping, or virtually stopping, further inflow, and by promoting the maximum outflow. Both answers are part of the official policy of the Conservative Party.

It almost passes belief that at this moment 20 or 30 additional immigrant children are arriving from overseas in Wolverhampton alone every week - and that means 15 or 20 additional families a decade or two hence. Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependants, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population. It is like watching a nation busily engaged in heaping up its own funeral pyre. So insane are we that we actually permit unmarried persons to immigrate for the purpose of founding a family with spouses and fianc├ęs whom they have never seen.

Let no one suppose that the flow of dependants will automatically tail off. On the contrary, even at the present admission rate of only 5,000 a year by voucher, there is sufficient for a further 25,000 dependants per annum ad infinitum, without taking into account the huge reservoir of existing relations in this country - and I am making no allowance at all for fraudulent entry. In these circumstances nothing will suffice but that the total inflow for settlement should be reduced at once to negligible proportions, and that the necessary legislative and administrative measures be taken without delay.

I stress the words "for settlement." This has nothing to do with the entry of Commonwealth citizens, any more than of aliens, into this country, for the purposes of study or of improving their qualifications, like (for instance) the Commonwealth doctors who, to the advantage of their own countries, have enabled our hospital service to be expanded faster than would otherwise have been possible. They are not, and never have been, immigrants.

I turn to re-emigration. If all immigration ended tomorrow, the rate of growth of the immigrant and immigrant-descended population would be substantially reduced, but the prospective size of this element in the population would still leave the basic character of the national danger unaffected. This can only be tackled while a considerable proportion of the total still comprises persons who entered this country during the last ten years or so.

Hence the urgency of implementing now the second element of the Conservative Party's policy: the encouragement of re-emigration.

Nobody can make an estimate of the numbers which, with generous assistance, would choose either to return to their countries of origin or to go to other countries anxious to receive the manpower and the skills they represent.

Nobody knows, because no such policy has yet been attempted. I can only say that, even at present, immigrants in my own constituency from time to time come to me, asking if I can find them assistance to return home. If such a policy were adopted and pursued with the determination which the gravity of the alternative justifies, the resultant outflow could appreciably alter the prospects.

The third element of the Conservative Party's policy is that all who are in this country as citizens should be equal before the law and that there shall be no discrimination or difference made between them by public authority. As Mr Heath has put it we will have no "first-class citizens" and "second-class citizens." This does not mean that the immigrant and his descendent should be elevated into a privileged or special class or that the citizen should be denied his right to discriminate in the management of his own affairs between one fellow-citizen and another or that he should be subjected to imposition as to his reasons and motive for behaving in one lawful manner rather than another.

There could be no grosser misconception of the realities than is entertained by those who vociferously demand legislation as they call it "against discrimination", whether they be leader-writers of the same kidney and sometimes on the same newspapers which year after year in the 1930s tried to blind this country to the rising peril which confronted it, or archbishops who live in palaces, faring delicately with the bedclothes pulled right up over their heads. They have got it exactly and diametrically wrong.

The discrimination and the deprivation, the sense of alarm and of resentment, lies not with the immigrant population but with those among whom they have come and are still coming.

This is why to enact legislation of the kind before parliament at this moment is to risk throwing a match on to gunpowder. The kindest thing that can be said about those who propose and support it is that they know not what they do.

Nothing is more misleading than comparison between the Commonwealth immigrant in Britain and the American Negro. The Negro population of the United States, which was already in existence before the United States became a nation, started literally as slaves and were later given the franchise and other rights of citizenship, to the exercise of which they have only gradually and still incompletely come. The Commonwealth immigrant came to Britain as a full citizen, to a country which knew no discrimination between one citizen and another, and he entered instantly into the possession of the rights of every citizen, from the vote to free treatment under the National Health Service.

Whatever drawbacks attended the immigrants arose not from the law or from public policy or from administration, but from those personal circumstances and accidents which cause, and always will cause, the fortunes and experience of one man to be different from another's.

But while, to the immigrant, entry to this country was admission to privileges and opportunities eagerly sought, the impact upon the existing population was very different. For reasons which they could not comprehend, and in pursuance of a decision by default, on which they were never consulted, they found themselves made strangers in their own country.

They found their wives unable to obtain hospital beds in childbirth, their children unable to obtain school places, their homes and neighbourhoods changed beyond recognition, their plans and prospects for the future defeated; at work they found that employers hesitated to apply to the immigrant worker the standards of discipline and competence required of the native-born worker; they began to hear, as time went by, more and more voices which told them that they were now the unwanted. They now learn that a one-way privilege is to be established by act of parliament; a law which cannot, and is not intended to, operate to protect them or redress their grievances is to be enacted to give the stranger, the disgruntled and the agent-provocateur the power to pillory them for their private actions.

In the hundreds upon hundreds of letters I received when I last spoke on this subject two or three months ago, there was one striking feature which was largely new and which I find ominous. All Members of Parliament are used to the typical anonymous correspondent; but what surprised and alarmed me was the high proportion of ordinary, decent, sensible people, writing a rational and often well-educated letter, who believed that they had to omit their address because it was dangerous to have committed themselves to paper to a Member of Parliament agreeing with the views I had expressed, and that they would risk penalties or reprisals if they were known to have done so. The sense of being a persecuted minority which is growing among ordinary English people in the areas of the country which are affected is something that those without direct experience can hardly imagine.

I am going to allow just one of those hundreds of people to speak for me:

“Eight years ago in a respectable street in Wolverhampton a house was sold to a Negro. Now only one white (a woman old-age pensioner) lives there. This is her story. She lost her husband and both her sons in the war. So she turned her seven-roomed house, her only asset, into a boarding house. She worked hard and did well, paid off her mortgage and began to put something by for her old age. Then the immigrants moved in. With growing fear, she saw one house after another taken over. The quiet street became a place of noise and confusion. Regretfully, her white tenants moved out.

“The day after the last one left, she was awakened at 7am by two Negroes who wanted to use her 'phone to contact their employer. When she refused, as she would have refused any stranger at such an hour, she was abused and feared she would have been attacked but for the chain on her door. Immigrant families have tried to rent rooms in her house, but she always refused. Her little store of money went, and after paying rates, she has less than £2 per week. “She went to apply for a rate reduction and was seen by a young girl, who on hearing she had a seven-roomed house, suggested she should let part of it. When she said the only people she could get were Negroes, the girl said, "Racial prejudice won't get you anywhere in this country." So she went home.

“The telephone is her lifeline. Her family pay the bill, and help her out as best they can. Immigrants have offered to buy her house - at a price which the prospective landlord would be able to recover from his tenants in weeks, or at most a few months. She is becoming afraid to go out. Windows are broken. She finds excreta pushed through her letter box. When she goes to the shops, she is followed by children, charming, wide-grinning piccaninnies. They cannot speak English, but one word they know. "Racialist," they chant. When the new Race Relations Bill is passed, this woman is convinced she will go to prison. And is she so wrong? I begin to wonder.”

The other dangerous delusion from which those who are wilfully or otherwise blind to realities suffer, is summed up in the word "integration." To be integrated into a population means to become for all practical purposes indistinguishable from its other members.

Now, at all times, where there are marked physical differences, especially of colour, integration is difficult though, over a period, not impossible. There are among the Commonwealth immigrants who have come to live here in the last fifteen years or so, many thousands whose wish and purpose is to be integrated and whose every thought and endeavour is bent in that direction.

But to imagine that such a thing enters the heads of a great and growing majority of immigrants and their descendants is a ludicrous misconception, and a dangerous one.

We are on the verge here of a change. Hitherto it has been force of circumstance and of background which has rendered the very idea of integration inaccessible to the greater part of the immigrant population - that they never conceived or intended such a thing, and that their numbers and physical concentration meant the pressures towards integration which normally bear upon any small minority did not operate.

Now we are seeing the growth of positive forces acting against integration, of vested interests in the preservation and sharpening of racial and religious differences, with a view to the exercise of actual domination, first over fellow-immigrants and then over the rest of the population. The cloud no bigger than a man's hand, that can so rapidly overcast the sky, has been visible recently in Wolverhampton and has shown signs of spreading quickly. The words I am about to use, verbatim as they appeared in the local press on 17 February, are not mine, but those of a Labour Member of Parliament who is a minister in the present government:

'The Sikh communities' campaign to maintain customs inappropriate in Britain is much to be regretted. Working in Britain, particularly in the public services, they should be prepared to accept the terms and conditions of their employment. To claim special communal rights (or should one say rites?) leads to a dangerous fragmentation within society. This communalism is a canker; whether practiced by one colour or another it is to be strongly condemned.'

All credit to John Stonehouse for having had the insight to perceive that, and the courage to say it.

For these dangerous and divisive elements the legislation proposed in the Race Relations Bill is the very pabulum they need to flourish. Here is the means of showing that the immigrant communities can organise to consolidate their members, to agitate and campaign against their fellow citizens, and to overawe and dominate the rest with the legal weapons which the ignorant and the ill-informed have provided. As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding; like the Roman, I seem to see "the River Tiber foaming with much blood."

That tragic and intractable phenomenon which we watch with horror on the other side of the Atlantic but which there is interwoven with the history and existence of the States itself, is coming upon us here by our own volition and our own neglect. Indeed, it has all but come. In numerical terms, it will be of American proportions long before the end of the century.

Only resolute and urgent action will avert it even now. Whether there will be the public will to demand and obtain that action, I do not know. All I know is that to see, and not to speak, would be the great betrayal.


Undercover with the neo-Nazis

BERLIN, Germany — This time around, he wore dark glasses, a bushy blond beard and a black beanie pulled down low. It was only his latest disguise, used to greet foreign press at a conference in Berlin.

The man who goes by “Thomas Kuban” must at all costs keep his identity a secret — after all, Europe‘s neo-Nazis would kill to get their hands on him.
For 15 years, Kuban, now in his mid thirties, risked his life secretly filming neo-Nazi rock concerts, events he says are the conspiratorial heart of Europe’s diverse and burgeoning neo-Nazi scene.
His camera rolling, Kuban has witnessed hundreds of fanatics venerating the perpetrators of Auschwitz and calling for Jews and foreigners to be murdered. He has watched dumbfounded as crowds of thousands raise their hands in the Hitler salute shouting, “Sieg Heil,” or as Austrian police shook hands with neo-Nazis.
“If I had been caught, the neo-Nazis would have beaten and kicked me — they might well have killed me,” he told GlobalPost.
“Mass crimes take place at every event and no one does anything,” he added, referring to the Hitler salutes that are illegal in Germany and Austria, and the banned, hate-filled songs sung under the noses of policemen.
“I am shocked at how weakly the security services deal with the neo-Nazis in Germany, allowing them a legal vacuum in which to operate.”
A six-year killing spree of foreigners by a small trio of far-right extremists came to light in November 2011. Outrage spread among Germans who felt that law enforcement overlooked far-right suspects.
Since then, Germany has taken steps to increase its monitoring efforts. Officials have set up a database of suspected right-wing threats and, in December, kick-started a renewed attempt to ban the far-right NPD, the National Democratic Party, with a final decision due in the coming months.
But Kuban is far from satisfied. He says there is no sign of anti-foreigner prejudice dying out in wider German society.
Reunified Germany has struggled to purge itself of violent far-right extremists, who have murdered at least 63 victims since 1990, according to government estimates. The real figure is widely believed to be far higher, says Kuban, and could be closer to 180.
Despite increased state efforts to monitor the scene, the group of potentially violent right-wing extremists continues to grow. In 2012, the German intelligence service identified some 10,100 violent neo-Nazis in the country, up from 9,500 two years ago. Many of these new recruits were drawn in by
fascist music, says Kuban.
“The music attracts many young people to the scene, it brings new blood,” he said.
Kuban’s unusual mission began in the 1990s, after a colleague told him about secret neo-Nazi rock concerts happening nearby. Sneaking along that first time to watch from a safe distance as hundreds of neo-Nazis congregated to sing along in unison to the hate-filled lyrics of driving fascist punk rock, his curiosity was piqued.
That soon hardened into a resolve that would carry him for the next 15 years. “I couldn’t believe that hundreds of neo-Nazis crept off to secret concerts that the police either didn’t know about or only found out about very late,” he said. “I thought to myself: ‘OK, there’s something new to be uncovered here.’ The idea of breaking down those conspiratorial structures awoke my journalistic ambition.”
“I think it’s terrible for the people of [Germany] if undemocratic movements spread and grow like that. I wanted to give the public insights into this scene,” he added.
Kuban began devoting vast amounts of time and his own money to making inroads into the scene. He went to dozens of concerts and searched for hidden online extremist forums.
Given the flurry of activity he was uncovering, he was shocked to discover that the media wasn’t interested in his work, even when he offered to risk his life smuggling cameras in to film neo-Nazi underground activities.
“Many of [the German public broadcasters] didn’t even reply, others told me they weren’t interested,” he said, adding that one editor told him he had seen it all before, referring to what Kuban says was worn-out, decade-old library footage.
In 2003, Kuban finally placed some of his work — German news magazines Spiegel and Stern said they would show his footage on their websites.
“The neo-Nazis were outraged because they realized that the times when only 10-year-old material made it out of the scene were over,” he said. “This bastion in which the neo-Nazis had felt completely safe at these secret concerts had been broken down.”
The first death threats against him appeared online soon after: “If we catch him at a concert then we’ll get him up on stage and we’ll do him in,” wrote one neo-Nazi. Another chimed in: “we’ll solve this problem of filming at concerts with ‘two-thirds fuel oil, one third petrol’” — shorthand for a Molotov cocktail.
Faced with the all-too-real prospect of a violent death if he was caught, Kuban knew his disguises and numerous fake online personas had to be watertight.
“The camera had to be well hidden and my false identity so elaborate that no suspicions would be raised … otherwise the fear would have been too much and I wouldn’t have been able to go in,” he said.
Traveling the length and breadth of Europe with his button-hole camera — from Hungary to BritainItaly to Belgium — Kuban dressed as a neo-Nazi, chanted like a neo-Nazi, sang the racist songs like a neo-Nazi.
Over eight years, at nearly 50 gigs, he acted just like one of the fascists he was systematically trying to expose. For each event, Kuban grew different facial hair and wore different neo-Nazi-style clothes — typically boots, a black T-shirt, combat pants or jeans and a baseball cap — disguises he found surprisingly effective.
“Nobody was ever suspicious of me,” he said. “For the first few years, the neo-Nazis had no idea who it was. They thought it could be the [German secret service], or even Mossad [Israel's spy agency].”
Within 48 hours of Kuban’s films appearing online for the first time, the neo-Nazis began tightening security. Body searches and metal detectors became the norm at every gig, he said.
“All the time they were looking for that camera,” he says. “I was almost caught out by a metal detector once, in Italy in 2006. There was a body search first, then you were allowed a few meters onto the site, and then there was a metal detector after that. I was scared, of course, I didn’t know there’d be a metal detector and then suddenly I was facing one.”
Minimizing personal risk began to preoccupy Kuban. He let few people know about his secret mission. His parents repeatedly begged him to give it all up for a quieter life, though they stood by him and gave him money to continue when he was broke.
“My ethics are heavily influenced by my parents,” he told GlobalPost. “My mother and father are heavily engaged with the Christian church. I’m very religious, too — I live according to Christian values and beliefs.”
Growing up in West Germany in the 1980s, Kuban said he heard terrible stories from his father, who worked with asylum seekers as a welfare officer. One man stands out, an asylum seeker from Eritrea who had lost an arm when he drove over a landmine in his truck and came to Germany seeking shelter.
Kuban remembers defending foreigners from verbal attacks on the playground at age 8.
“The other kids would repeat what they heard at home, that the foreigners were only coming to Germany to exploit us and to take our jobs,” he recalled. “I remember arguing against that because I knew how much asylum seekers suffered and what terrible things had happened to them.”
Almost three decades on, interest in his work remained minimal. Kuban decided to make one last-ditch effort in 2007 to gain a wider audience for his footage, most of which had never been shown.
He agreed to work with documentary filmmaker Peter Ohlendorf on “Blood Must Flow: Undercover Among neo-Nazis.” The documentary, which premiered at the 2012 Berlinale film festival, forced him out of anonymity and into the limelight — and the pseudonym “Thomas Kuban” was born.
“I was used to a completely different role, of moving around anonymously in the crowd — that’s what I did in the kind of research I was doing, which was also my passion,” he said. “But I had no choice but to play the central role in this film if I wanted to get my research out to a wider audience.”
But the documentary has only put him further in debt and German sales of his book, “Blut Muss Fliessen” (Blood Must Flow) remain disappointingly slow.
Defeated in his mission, Kuban said it is time to take off the disguise and return to a normal existence.
“It’s over,” he said. “The neo-Nazis don’t know who I am, I’m not in danger. I’ll just disappear and live under my real name.”
“My only plan is to stop the whole thing as soon as possible … I won’t leave Germany, it’ll just be that [I] will completely disappear from public view. Then I can live my normal life and no one will ever know that I was Thomas Kuban.”
But the decision to give up the disguise wasn’t easy, he said. “It was the hardest decision I ever made … It’s clear to me that there’s so much more to investigate.”